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Germany is the problem, not Greece

by Boaventura de Sousa Santos
translation Cuba-Network in Defense of Humanity

The greatest problem of Europe is not Greece. It is Germany. Only a bit over two years (May 3, 2013 I published a text entitled “The German Diktat” that describes the justifications of Germany at the

beginning of the First World War for the atrocities it committed against a small nation, Belgium, that refused to collaborated with its warmongering. The manner in which Germany saw fit to get revenge

against such an act of disobedience of another small country, Greece, induces us to examine the recent history of Europe and, from there, think about our common future.

It has nothing to do with raking up ghosts buried a long time ago and much less to encourage alleged anti-Germanic feelings that, in opposition, could only lead to Germanophile feelings. This occurred

seventy years ago and the discussions in which many European countries (and non European) were massacred in a cruel war. It is only to recall solutions regarding the German problem after the Second World War, of analyzing its limits and imagine other possible solutions.

The German problem was always that it was too big for Europe and too small for the world. On the one hand, expansionism of the German and Austro-Hungarian empires; on the other hand the smaller colonial European powers with a short colonialist period (1884-1919) not even leaving the German language for the colonized; quite the contrary, what occurred with the other European powers.

To forget for the time being the French-Prussian war (1870-1871), dominated by the intent of Bismarck to unify Germany under the rule of Prussia and the fear of France that the result could be an excessive German domination over Europe, the German war of arrogance in two world wars of the 20th century caused an unprecedented devastation. Only in the Second Grand War 60 million persons died, three percent of the world population at the time. In 1945 the solution found to contain the German problem wasthe division of Germany: one part under Soviet control and another under control of the west. This solution was efficient during the Cold War.

With the fall of the Berlin Wall (1989) and the following reunification of Germany another solution needed to be found.

It should be recalled that the reunification of Germany was not designed as a new State (as many Eastern Germany democrats wanted) but an extension of Western Germany. This led to the thought that a solution was finally made in 1957 with the creation of the European Economic Community (later the European Union) with the participationof Western Germany and for the purpose, among others, of containing the extreme German nationalism. The truth of the matter is that the

solution functioned “automatically” while Germany was divided.

After the reunification the solution would depend on the self containment of Germany. This self containment would last for twenty five years as the third pillar of Europe while the other two relied on the consensus regarding the decisions and progressive convergence of the European nations. The manner in which the EU was being “deepened” revealed that the first two pillars were giving way and the creation of the Euro was the final blow to convergence. This importance transcends to the Greek crisis revealing that the third pillar also collapsed.

We owe the Greeks the tragic merit of demonstrating to the European people that Germany is not capable of self containment. The new opportunity given Germany in 1957 has just been wasted. The German problem is back and does not promise anything good. And if Germany is not capable of self containment the Europeans need to do it fast. The former German Foreign Minister, Helmut Schmitt, saw this danger with unprecedented clarity affirming many years ago that, for its own good or the good of Europe, Germany not only needed to be the first amongequals. Little could he imagine that Germany would become in a few short years as the first among the unequal. It does not calm us to

think that Germany today is a democracy, if this democracy is über alles (above all).

We should not forget that the therapy of violent imposition practiced against Greece with what was was done to the defeated Germany, the Eastern Germany during the process of reunification. And in fact it was directed by the same person, Wolfgang Schäuble, then minister of the Foreign Minister Helmut Kohl. The crucial difference was that in this case financial fury of Schäuble had to be politically contained because it was on the same German people. The Greek and from now on all Europeans will pay high price for not being Germans; unless Germany is democratically contained by the European countries.

I don’t see any advantage to reacting defensively against the return of sovereigntism. In truth this sovereigntism is already installed in Europe but in two manners: the offensive sovereigntism of the strong (led by Germany) and the defensive sovereigntism of the weak (mostly the Europeans to the south with a still bewildered France). In the European context, sovereigntism or nationalism among persons that are not equal is an invitation to war. That is why however tenuous the possibility of success the European Union must be reconstructed on democratic bases: a Europe of the people where the gray bureaucrats no longer rule and not elected at the service of the clients of the strongest, against easy distractions of democratically elected representative but politically unarmed.

This solution doesn’t solve everything since the German problem has other dimensions, mostly cultural and of identity seen with particular virulence in relation to European countries of the South. In a letter to his friend Franz Overbeck on September 14, 1884, Friedrich Nietzsche reprehended the “mediocre German bureaucrats” for their prejudice against the countries of southern Europe: “In face of all that comes from the southern nations it assumes an attitude of suspicion and irritation and only sees frivolity…It is the same resistance you have in relation to my philosophy…What you detest in me is the clear sky. He concluded: “An Italian told me a while back: ‘what you call sky the German sky is a caricature”. Translated to the times of today, it is crucial for the Europeans of the south be

convinced that the clear sky of the south is not only in the beaches and in tourism. It is also a wish for respect for diversity as a condition for peace, dignity and democratic coexistence.

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