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Analist Salim Lamrani spoke with MDZ : Seven answers about the opposition and “fascism” in Venezuela

Source MDZ

By Gabriel Conte

Lamrani is a PhD in Iberian Studies and Latin America of the Paris Sorbonne University-Paris IV. He is the Senior professor of the University of La Reunión.

In the seven questions and seven answers the interview emphasizes that there is no internal opposition in the PSUV (United Socialist Party of Venezuela) and maintains that there is no possibility of triumph of the opposition parties, despite the last presidential result that place them 1,5 percent below Chavism.

Do you believe that the term “fascist” used by President Maduro is clearly descriptive of the Venezuelan “opposition” that is so broad and varied? Why?

-There is clearly a sector of the Venezuelan opposition that has always bet on a coup since it is clearly certain that it would be very difficult to achieve power through the ballots, through a democratic and republican process. It then decides for subversion, violence and crime to achieve what it cannot obtain by popular will.

How many sectors do you identify as opposition to Chavism?

- Not all the opposition sectors of the present democratic government of Venezuela want a break with constitutional order. There are unsatisfied sectors with valid motives such as violence, inflation, administrative corruption in the intermediate levels of the State structure, who want changes, but legally and peacefully. This opposition is respectful and absolutely necessary for Venezuelan democracy. Unfortunately, the most active are those who favor a coup who benefit not only from the support of the United States whose sole objective is a change of regime – including force and also the western media that present the Venezuelan reality from a perspective of the most radical opposition, ignoring what occurred in April of 2002.

From your point of view what is the role of the left wing parties that oppose Maduro?

- The Venezuelan left wing is not a monolith. It is plural and critical as it should be. Most important it should be constructive and respect constitutional legality. I do not think there is a divergence of objectives between the Chavists and other sectors of the left.

All want to build a better future for all the Venezuelans and build a Homeland for all. Dissention is useful if it takes into account general interest and respect popular will expressed in the ballots.

The Chavists (or former Chavists) who claim to be banished but who value “initial Chavism” such as Raul Baduel, what degree of importance do they have when they are talking about “opposition in Venezuela”?

- I don’t know what “initial Chavism” is since the Bolivarian Revolution is a mass movement and of ideas in constant evolution. Those who adhere their action within the framework of legality have the right to express their points of view and criticize the government, even Raul Baduel.

Do you think that the mass media can overthrow Maduro?

-The Venezuelan mass media, 80% privately controlled, already made a coup d’etat in April of 2002 against the democratic government of Hugo Chávez. There is a worrying reminiscence of the events of 2002 with the current demonstrations. All began the same way: with a call to the opposition to protest, deaths on both side, general condemnation by the private media, uprising o the army and coup d’etat. We must not underestimate the danger of a rupture of constitutional order by violence.

Is Leopoldo López different from Henrique Capriles?

- Leopoldo López seems more radical than Capriles in the current demonstrations since it openly calls for a coup d’etat. But it should not be forgotten that both favor coups participating in the rupture of constitutional order of April 2002.

Can a silent opposition be recognized within the PSUV against Nicolás Maduro?

- I do not think you have to personify the Bolivarian process. The PSUV is not a monolithic party. There are different trends, different criteria. I do not think there are militants within the PSUV that want to overthrow Maduro.

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